Monday, May 20, 2024 | 19:00 WIB

Israel-Hamas conflict: A notion of belonging beyond National Security

READ MORE

The Balfour Declaration of 1917 supported establishment of “national home for Jewish people in Palestine” by the British colonizers that also mentioned that ‘Non-Jewish’ would not be prejudiced. However, the terms ‘Palestinian’ and ‘Non-Jewish’ were not amply specified, leading to multiple interpretations about the identity of majority of inhabitants of Palestine.

Though this overture of the British, which was the founding document of ‘Mandatory Palestine’, support for Zionism increased. But it has also been a sore point among the Palestinians. In February 1947, the United Nations Special Committee on Palestine recommended the establishment of separate Jewish and Arab states to be joined by economic union, while Jerusalem-Bethlehem region would be an enclave under international administration. The Plan was accepted by the Jewish Agency for Palestine.

Jewish community came down to streets to celebrate the decision, minority factions such as Revisionist Zionists rejected it as they felt that legitimate Jewish territory was being bartered. However, Arab leaders and governments did not accept any form of territorial division. There were discussions among Muslim community that UN votes were casted under pressure and duress. Other Arab states who had recently achieved independence from colonial powers did not support the trade-off given to Jewish. Subsequently, a civil war broke out and the plan could not be realised. 

After six-day war, which ended with Israel annexing East Jerusalem, West Bank, Gaza, Golan Heights and Sinai, Israel experienced an upsurge of national euphoria. Jewish diaspora turned their attention towards Israel. Tacit support of returned immigrants gave Israel diplomatic power in western nations.

At the same time, Jewish settlers inhabited captured areas illegally, as per international law. There was widespread displacement of Arab population in the occupied territories. On the other hand, anti-Semitism grew in Arab as well as communist nation.

In Arab nations mobs attacked Jewish neighbourhood. These events gave Jewish community an upper hand to enforce two-state solution. The Muslim community in Palestine though reluctant, could not practically bid for a single nation. Thus, the idea of one democratic state of Palestine faded away. 

With the possibility of two-state solution sinking into both societies, Madrid Conference of 1991 was an endeavour by the international community to resuscitate the Israeli-Palestine dialogue. It was a successful attempt where both parties came close to peace accord.

The Oslo Accord of 1993 was the first direct agreement between Israel and Palestinian leaders which led to creation of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA). The main point of change in perspectives of societies was that they acknowledged political legitimacy of the other party. However, Hamas, a Palestinian Sunni-Islamic fundamentalist organization founded in 1987, vehemently opposed the idea of a two-state solution and criticized the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) for being supportive to Israeli government.

This ideological difference between the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) and Hamas has created a division within Palestinian Arab society, making it challenging to reach a consensus on a realistic solution. 

In my opinion, the current Israeli government doesn’t seem to prioritize the “two-state solution” but instead focuses on “conflict management.” By allowing Jewish settlements in the West Bank and employing strategies to restrict Arab identity, the Israeli government may be working towards its long-term goal of a one-state solution.

However, the question arises of how the clash between Arabs and Jews can be resolved within a single Jewish state with different norms of citizenship. Granting equal rights to the Arab population under the status of citizenship would be a crucial step, but whether this is possible for Israel remains a significant question. 

The Author Samuel P. Huntington writes, ” The conflicts of the future will occur along the cultural fault lines separating civilizations.” While globalization has made the world feel smaller, individuals and communities are unwilling to compromise their cultural identity. The Gaza Strip, home to approximately two million Palestinians, has experienced what the UN calls “de-development.” Movement in and out of Gaza occurs through the Beit Hanoun crossing (known as Erez to Israelis) with Israel and the Rafah crossing with Egypt.

Both Israel and Egypt have mostly kept their borders closed, further worsening the already dire economic and humanitarian situation in Gaza. Israel permits passage through the Beit Hanoun crossing only in exceptional humanitarian cases, particularly for urgent medical reasons. According to the UN, during the decade from 2010 to 2019, an average of 287 Palestinians exited through this crossing each day.

Gaza faces numerous challenges, with around 56 percent of its population living in poverty and a youth unemployment rate of 63 percent, as reported by the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics. Additionally, over 60 percent of Gazans are refugees who were expelled from their original homes in other parts of Palestine in 1948, such as Lydda (Lod) and Ramle. They now reside just a few kilometers away from their ancestral homes and towns, yet are unable to return.Israel has conducted four prolonged military assaults on Gaza in 2008, 2012, 2014, and 2021.

Each of these attacks has exacerbated Gaza’s already dire situation, resulting in the deaths of thousands of Palestinians, including many children, and the destruction of tens of thousands of homes, schools, and office buildings. 

POPULAR

Latest article

Related Articles

INFRAME

SOCIAL CULTURE