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How to interpret today’s world model?

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Furthermore, the two main powers’ lack of severe control makes it harder for them to acquire firm allies and assist their international objectives in the war for allies. Although different alliances, cooperatives, and regional organizations have arisen in the globe today, the various organizations in Asia-Pacific and Europe now are slightly looser, lacking controllability and global action ability, as compared to the two primary camps during the Cold War. 

Third, the value disagreement between the East and the West appears to be a fundamental area of divergence between the two factions today. The term “values” often refers to the connection between citizens and the government. Eastern values place a premium on communal ideas, social order, and individual freedom to pursue collective goals. The government should be a decent government as well as an omniscient government. 

The balance of Western principles has traditionally leaned toward individual rights, emphasizing that individual rights should not be subject to excessive government constraints and that the government should be restricted. Although oriental ideals were briefly disputed in the 1980s when former Singapore Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew spoke about Singapore’s experience, in recent years, China’s institutional advantages appear to have awakened concealed anxieties in the US. 

Read: Can NATO Take on the Role of World Police?

It helps the US to intensify its promotion of Western values in foreign affairs. There are clear disparities in Eastern and Western ideals between the two factions, and they are playing an increasingly crucial role in foreign policy. 

Fourth, the generally accepted China-Russia cooperation has its own set of issues. Although China plainly supports Russia during the Russian-Ukrainian conflict and competed with Europe and the United States, the relationship between the two nations has not yet reached the level of a military alliance, much alone a paramilitary alliance, as it has with the United States and Europe. Today’s Sino-Russian ties are built mainly on mutual interests and personal relationships. In the long run, it is highly beneficial for Sino-Russian ties to remain generally good-neighborly and amicable. 

Consider that Russia has never been a part of Eastern Asia, and its historical exchanges and entanglements with Europe are astounding. It is a connected body of the West, both historically and culturally. The dawn and sunset decide Russia’s return to, or re-acceptance by the West. Today, Putin’s Russia cannot return to the West. But what about Russia post-Putin? If Russia does not create a strongman like Putin before then, Russia’s sole sliver of pluralism might convert the country to pro-Western. Talking about the Sino-Russian alliance and the infinite closeness relationship will be lavish at the moment! 

M.Raihan Ronodipuro earned a Master of Law in International Relations from the School of International and Public Affairs at Jilin University in China. He serves as an Associate Researcher in the Department of Politics and Security at the Center for Indonesia-China Studies (CICS).

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